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Which of the Following Statements Accurately Characterizes Black Art in Depression Era?

"New Negro" is a term popularized during the Harlem Renaissance implying a more than outspoken advocacy of dignity and a refusal to submit quietly to the practices and laws of Jim Crow racial segregation. The term "New Negro" was fabricated popular by Alain LeRoy Locke in his anthology The New Negro.[ane]

Definition [edit]

Historically, the term is nowadays in African American discourses since 1895, but is almost recognized as a central term of the Harlem Renaissance[2] (1917-1928). The term has a broad relevance to the period in U.Due south. history known as the Mail service-Reconstruction, whose beginnings were marked symbolically by the notorious compromise of 1877 and whose bear upon upon black American lives culminated in the 1896 Supreme Court determination, Plessy v. Ferguson, which practically obliterated the gains African Americans had made through the 14th and 15th Amendments. Henry Louis Gates, Jr., who in 1988 provided a comprehensive handling of this evolution from 1895 to 1925, notes that "blacks regained a public voice, louder and more strident than information technology had been even during slavery."[iii]

More than recently, Gates and Gene Andrew Jarrett accept discussed a New Negro era of a longer elapsing, from 1892 through 1938,[iv] and Brent Hayes Edwards has pushed investigations of New Negro culture far beyond Harlem, noting that "the 'New Negro' movement [was] at the same time a 'new' black internationalism."[5] This internationalism developed in relation to informal cultural substitution among black figures in the United states of america, France,[6] and the Caribbean.[7] New Negro cultural internationalism also grew out of New Negro work in the United States's official international diplomacy.[8]

Between 1919 to 1925 [edit]

With the stop of the First Globe War and the rise of the Harlem Renaissance, the term "New Negro" was widely publicized every bit a synonym for African Americans who will radically defend their interests against violence and inequality. An commodity in The Messenger journal published in August 1920, entitled "The New Negro - What Is He?"[9] by The Editors, provides a clear flick of the term, in which they describe that the "New Negro" will be radical and cocky-defending to pursue the right to political and social equality, dissimilar the gentleness of the Onetime Negro who is satisfied with the condition quo.

Subsequently, in 1925, Alain Locke published the article "Enter the New Negro[ten]" and defined "New Negro" as "augury of a new democracy in American culture.[ten]" Locke took the term to a new level. Locke described the negative impression of blacks on their racial values in long-term repression of a racist gild and how information technology besides made African Americans misconstrue their social status, and that they all needed to take a new mental attitude to look at themselves. He pointed out that the thinking new Blacks committed to combat stereotypes, awaken blackness national consciousness and pride, as well every bit ameliorate the social status of African Americans.[ citation needed ]

Origins of the Term [edit]

1895 [edit]

1895 was a crucial twelvemonth. Du Bois, with a PhD from Harvard in mitt, embarked on his long career in scholarship and civil rights, Booker T. Washington made his Atlanta Exposition speech and Frederick Douglass died after having made some of the bitterest and almost despairing speeches on "race."[11] Despite their rhetorical and ideological differences, these three leaders were speaking up during the 1890s, the decade described by African American historian Rayford Logan as the "nadir" of African American history and marked by nigh 2,000 documented lynchings.[12]

New Negroes were seen invariably as men and women (but by and large men) of middle-form orientation who ofttimes demanded their legal rights every bit citizens, but almost ever wanted to craft new images that would subvert and challenge old stereotypes.[13] This can be seen in the 1895 editorial in the Cleveland Gazette and commentaries in other black newspapers. Books similar A New Negro for a New Century (1900) edited past Booker T. Washington,[14] Fannie Barrier Williams and N. B. Wood or William Johnson' The New Negro (1916), represent the concept.[15]

The Starting time World State of war [edit]

For African Americans, Earth State of war I highlighted the widening gap between U.S. rhetoric regarding "the war to brand the world prophylactic for republic" and the reality of disenfranchised and exploited black farmers in the Southward or the poor and alienated residents of the Northern slums.[16] African-American soldiers faced discrimination because the US government conceded that it would non admit African American soldiers to white preparation camps. To assistance these discriminated African American soldiers, the NAACP helped plant segregated training camps in Des Moines, Iowa, and Spingarn.[17] All the same, the treatment of African American soldiers was still lamentable, and most of them were assigned to labor units after the basic training. Yet, in France, for example, the black soldiers experienced the kind of freedom they had never known in the U.S.[18]

When World War I began, African Americans wanted to demonstrate their patriotism to the country.[19] Even so, they were turned abroad from the military service because the military only accepted a sure amount of African Americans. Information technology wasn't until the war had actually started, that the military machine realized more than people were needed, so African Americans were being drafted and accepted into the military.[20] This was seen equally a start for the "New Negro" to show that they are wanting to exist equal and they are willing to go to state of war to testify that they are worthy enough to be equal similar everyone else in the land.

African Americans dealt with discrimination in the military and was segregated from the white people and went to dissimilar training locations. The military created 2 unlike divisions solely for African Americans, which were the 92nd division and the 93rd sectionalization. The 92nd division was fabricated of the officers and draftees. The 93rd division'south helped out the French Army during the war and had a unlike experience than the 92nd division.[19] The 93rd division had the most famous infantry which was the 369th Infantry and they were known as the "Harlem Hellfighters." The 369th Infantry repelled the German language offensive and fought alongside the 16th Division of the French Ground forces. They fought for 191 days, which was the longest and were the start Americans to be awarded the Croix de Guerre medal by French republic.[21]

After the war ended, racial tensions began to eddy over in the United States. Having experienced liberty and respect in France they had never known at home, African American soldiers were adamant to fight for equal treatment but establish that bigotry confronting blacks was but as nowadays as it was before the war. A prime number, but not isolated, example of this lingering racism is the case of African American soldier Wilbur Piffling. He was lynched in Blakely, Georgia upon his render from service after ignoring threats from a group of white men to never wear his uniform in public.[22]

In add-on to this racially motivated violence there were African Americans flooding into the n in huge numbers, increasing segregation in the North and the regeneration of the Ku Klux Klan,[23] all of which contributed to the ascent racial tension which resulted in the riots that affected several major cities in the "ruby-red summertime" of 1919.[24]

Considering of the bigotry witnessed after World War I, the philosophy of the ceremonious rights movement shifted from the accommodationist approach of Booker T. Washington to the militant advancement of West.E.B. Du Bois. This shift of philosophy helped to create the New Negro Movement of the 1920s, which "promoted a renewed sense of racial pride, cultural cocky-expression, economic independence, and progressive politics."[25] For many African Americans, Earth War I represents a transition from the time of the "Old Negro to the brave New Negro."[26]

New Negro Movement [edit]

In 1916–17, Hubert Harrison founded the New Negro Movement. In 1917, he established the offset organization (The Liberty League) and the first paper (The Voice) of the "New Negro Motility" and this motion energized Harlem and beyond with its race-conscious and class-conscious demands for political equality, an stop to segregation and lynching as well as calls for armed self-defense when advisable. Therefore, Harrison, who also edited The New Negro in 1919 and authored When Africa Awakes: The 'Inside Story' of the Stirrings and Strivings of the New Negro in the Western World in 1920, is called the "male parent of Harlem Radicalism."[27]

The NAACP played an important role in the awakening of the Negro Renaissance which was the cultural component of the New Negro Movement. The NAACP officials Westward.Due east.B. Du Bois, James Weldon Johnson, Walter White, and Jessie Redmon Fauset provided financial support, aesthetic guidance, and literature to this cultural awakening.[28] According to the NAACP, this cultural component of the New Negro Movement provided the start display of African-American cultural cocky-expression.[29]

In several essays included in the anthology The New Negro (1925), which grew out of the 1924 special event of Survey Graphic on Harlem, editor Alain Locke contrasted the "Old Negro" with the "New Negro" [30] by stressing African American assertiveness and self-confidence during the years post-obit Earth War I and the Great Migration.[31] Race pride had already been part of literary and political cocky-expression among African Americans in the nineteenth century, as reflected in the writings of Martin Delany, Bishop Henry Turner, Frances E.W. Harper, Frederick Douglass and Pauline Hopkins. However, it constitute a new purpose and definition in the journalism, fiction, poetry, music, sculpture and paintings of a host of figures associated with the Harlem Renaissance.[32]

The term "New Negro" inspired a wide diverseness of responses from its diverse participants and promoters. A militant African American editor indicated in 1920 how this "new line of thought, a new method of approach" included the possibility that "the intrinsic standard of Beauty and aesthetics does not rest in the white race" and that "a new racial love, respect and consciousness may be created." Information technology was felt that African Americans were poised to affirm their own agency in culture and politics instead of just remaining a "problem" or "formula" for others to debate about.[33]

The New Negroes of the 1920s, the Talented 10th, included poets, novelists and Blues singers creating their art out of Negro folk heritage and history; blackness political leaders fighting against corruption and for expanded opportunities for African Americans; businessmen working toward the possibilities of a "black metropolis" and Garveyites dreaming of a homeland in Africa. All of them shared in their desire to shed the image of servility and inferiority of the shuffling "Sometime Negro" and accomplish a new epitome of pride and dignity.[34]

Alain Locke [edit]

No one has articulated the hopes and possibilities associated with the thought and ideal of the "New Negro" more than the Harvard-trained philosophy professor Alain Locke, who later described himself as the "midwife" to aspiring immature blackness writers of the 1920s.[35] According to Locke, The New Negro, whose publication by Albert and Charles Boni in December 1925 symbolizes the culmination of the first stage of the New Negro Renaissance in literature, was put together "to certificate the New Negro culturally and socially - to register the transformations of the inner and outer life of the Negro in America that have so significantly taken identify in the last few years."[36] [37]

The anthology had already sold 42,000 copies in its earlier incarnation as the March 1925 special Harlem issue on Harlem of the Survey Graphic magazine, a record unsurpassed by the Survey until Globe State of war 2. Highlighting its national and international scope, Locke compared the New Negro motion with the "nascent movements of folk expression and self-determination" that were taking identify "in India, in China, in Egypt, Ireland, Russia, Bohemia, Palestine and Mexico."[38]

Locke'due south philosophy of cultural pluralism is analogous to the thinking of many of his white contemporaries, especially cultural pluralists such as Waldo Frank, V. F. Calverton, Randolph Bourne and Van Wyck Brooks. Sharing the optimism of other progressive reformers, Locke recognized that "the conditions that are molding a New Negro are [also] molding a new American attitude."[39] He defined as the creed of his own generation its belief in "the efficacy of collective effort, in race co-performance."[40]

In Alain Locke's album The New Negro, of one of the main reoccurring themes is a stardom between the "New World" and the "Old World." Locke points out "Harlem's significance" along with explaining what it stood for by maxim that, "it's a racial awakening on a national and perhaps even a world scale".[41] Locke wanted to document what was going on in the heed of African Americans. Locke had an thought to redo the "New Negro" and this is something he promotes throughout his writing.[42]

Locke had an idea of the "internal vs the external negro". He brought up points about how African Americans have always been generalized and wanted to represent more voices from inside the community. The outer life with the racial standards. Locke acknowledged that some progress had been fabricated for African Americans politically, land owning and slavery etc. Locke really wanted to document the uplift. Internally wanted to shift from the past slave motion more towards the psychology behind it all. Locke's explanation of the "New Negro" gives i a deep understanding of the term and meaning, especially during the menstruum of the Harlem Renaissance.[43]

Like the black political leaders of the menstruum, Locke seems to have believed that the American organisation would ultimately work for African Americans, but he refused to have cognizance of the disagreeable political leverage the system called for.[44] Such an approach implied an excessive dependence of whatever black hopes for political change or reform upon white men of influence and their proficient intentions. In terms of art and literature, Locke saw no conflict between existence "American" and being "Negro," but rather an opportunity to enrich both through cultural reciprocity. In a way, Locke was reinterpreting Du Bois' "double consciousness" concept for aesthetic and cultural uses.[45]

Information technology seems there was enough room in Locke's view for many different kinds of talents to exist and thrive together. Locke also did non see whatsoever direct connexion between African arts that had influenced the works of many European artists such as Picasso. For him, the well-nigh of import lesson the black artist could derive from African fine art was "non cultural inspiration or technical innovations, but the lesson of a archetype background, the lesson of discipline, of style, of technical control."[46] [47]

Equally W. E. B. Du Bois himself recognized in his response to Locke's New Negro, the concept validated at 1 level the rejection of the accommodationist politics and credo represented past Booker T. Washington and his followers around the start of the 20th century when despite Washington's admission to the White Firm and mainstream politicians, violence against African Americans had continued unabated at a disturbing level with little progress in the area of civil rights and economical opportunities.[48]

Different points of view [edit]

At the same fourth dimension, at that place were too voices of uncertainty and scepticism. Eric D. Walrond, "the young Due west Indian writer of "Tropic Death" (1926),[49] plant all gimmicky black leaders inadequate or ineffective in dealing with the cultural and political aspirations of black masses."[50]

In 1923, in his essay The New Negro Faces America, he declared the New Negro to be "race-conscious. He does not want . . . to be like the white man. He is coming to realize the groovy possibilities within himself. The New Negro, who does not want to get dorsum to Africa, is fondly cherishing an ideal – and that is, that the fourth dimension will come up when America volition look upon the Negro not as a savage with an junior mentality, merely as a civilized man."[51] According to Walrond, the "rank and file of Negroes are opposed to Garveyism; dissatisfied with the personal vituperation and morbid satire of Mr. Du Bois and prone to discount Major [Robert] Moton'due south Tuskegee every bit a monument of respectable reaction."[52]

By 1929, Wallace Thurman, the bohemian and brilliant leader of young writers associated with the "Niggerati Manor" as well as journals such as Burn!! and Harlem, referred to the New Negro phenomenon as a "white American fad that had already come and gone".[53] [54] In several pieces of journalism and literary essays, Thurman castigated the kind of interest both whites and black center-grade readers invested in the piece of work of younger black writers, making information technology harder for them to retrieve and create independently.

In i such essay, The Negro Literary Renaissance which was included in "Aunt Hagar'south Children",[55] [ circular reference ] Thurman sums up the situation thus: "Everyone was having a k time. The millennium was nigh to dawn. The second emancipation[56] seemed inevitable. Then the excitement began to die downwardly and Negroes every bit well as whites began to take stock of that in which they had reveled. The whites shrugged their shoulders and began seeking for some new fad. Negroes stood by, a piddling subdued, a piddling surprised, torn betwixt beingness proud that certain of their group had achieved distinction, and being angry because a few of them arrived ones had ceased to be what the group considered 'constructive,' having in the interim, produced works that went against the grain, in that they did not wholly qualify to the adjective 'respectable.'"[51]

Again in 1929, Thurman had begun his 2d novel, "Infants of the Spring" (1932),[57] a satire in which he took himself and his peers to chore for decadence and lack of discipline, declaring all his contemporaries except Jean Toomer as mere journeymen. And while he admired Alain Locke for his sympathy and support for the immature Negro writers, the salon scene in chapter 21 signals Locke's failure at organizing the highly individualistic young writers into a cohesive motion.

Beyond the lack of consensus on the significance of the term "New Negro" during the Harlem Renaissance, many after commentators such as Harold Cruse considered it politically naive or overly optimistic.

Every bit late as 1938, Locke was defending his views against attacks from John P. Davis and others that his emphasis was primarily on the "psychology of the masses"[58] and not on offer a solution to the "Negro problem." In dismissing the construction of the New Negro as a dubious venture in renaming, as merely a "bold and audacious act of linguistic communication,"[54] Gates confirms Gilbert Osofsky's earlier criticism that the New Negroes of the 1920s helped to support new white stereotypes of black life, different from, simply no more valid or authentic than the quondam ones.[59]

Legacy [edit]

During the Harlem Renaissance, the term "New Negro" carried on a legacy of motivation and ambition to African Americans, to assistance them pursue greater things, things that were at one signal were strongly discouraged to the African American customs.

The term was also significant for defining black leadership in artistic, intellectual, and political pursuits in the U.S. as well as on a global calibration. The middle-class leadership of NAACP and Urban League were deeply suspicious of the flamboyant and demagogic Marcus Garvey, who in turn saw Du Bois and others as night-skinned whites.[60] Yet all of them subscribed to some grade of Pan-Africanism. Alain Locke and Charles Southward. Johnson rejected cultural separatism and endorsed a hybridity derived from the wedlock of blackness experience and Euro-American aesthetic forms.

In filmmaking, during the early 20th Century, information technology was very rare to meet African Americans playing picture show cast members, and if they were, they were by and large portrayed to stand for the One-time Due south and/or were criminals.[61] During the middle of the century, the film industry began opening up more opportunities to African Americans. They were able to play a more than various gear up of roles and began participating in several different genres.[61]

In the political scene, between 1901 and 1928, there had been no African Americans elected to the United States Business firm of Representatives. In 1929, this streak was cleaved when Oscar Stanton De Priest was elected to correspond the Country of Illinois in the House.[62] However, he did not merely correspond his state, just the African American overcoming of oppression and their regained power in politics. Afterward the New Negro movement, the mean fourth dimension African American representative served in office increased from a measly 2 years to six.

In education, Howard University called the post New Negro movement "the capstone of Negro education". In the early 1930s, historically blackness Howard University began receiving federal grant money for the starting time fourth dimension in an amount that exceeded $ane million. In addition, Howard Academy was the starting time university e'er to receive more than than $1 meg for a scientific discipline facility.[63]

Footnotes [edit]

  1. ^ Locke, Alain, 1885-1954. (1997). The New Negro (1st Touchstone ed.). New York, Due north.Y.: Simon & Schuster. ISBN0684838311. OCLC 37551618. {{cite volume}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors listing (link)
  2. ^ "A New African American Identity: The Harlem Renaissance". National Museum of African American History and Civilization. 2017-ten-eleven. Retrieved 2019-05-16 .
  3. ^ Gates, Henry Louis (Fall 1988). "The Trope of a New Negro and the Reconstruction of the Image of the Black". Representations. 24 (24): 131. doi:10.2307/2928478. JSTOR 2928478.
  4. ^ Gates and Jarrett, eds (2007). The New Negro: Readings on Race, Representation, and African American Culture, 1892-1938. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
  5. ^ Edwards, Brent (2003). The Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation, and the Rise of Black Internationalism. Cambridge: Harvard University Printing. p. 2.
  6. ^ Edwards. The Exercise of Diaspora.
  7. ^ Stephens, Michelle (2005). Black Empire: The Masculine Global Imaginary of Caribbean area Intellectuals in the United States, 1914-1962. Durham: Knuckles University Press.
  8. ^ Roberts, Brian (2013). Artistic Ambassadors: Literary and International Representation of the New Negro Era. Charlottesville: Academy of Virginia Press.
  9. ^ "The New Negro - What Is He?". The Messenger. Five. 1-2: 73. Baronial 1920.
  10. ^ a b Locke, Alain (March 1925). "Enter the New Negro" (PDF). Enter the New Negro – via National Humanities Centre Resource.
  11. ^ "W.E.B. Du Bois Graduate Social club | Harvard Academy - The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences". gsas.harvard.edu . Retrieved 2017-05-09 .
  12. ^ Wintz, Cary (2004). "New Negro" Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance: K-Y. Routledge. p. 892. ISBN1579584586.
  13. ^ "History Flashback: The New Negro". Lipstick Alley . Retrieved 2019-05-25 .
  14. ^ Washington, Booker T. (1900). A new Negro for a new century : an accurate and up-to-engagement record of the upward struggles of the Negro race. Cyberspace Athenaeum. Chicago : American Publishing House.
  15. ^ Washington, Booker T.; Wood, Norman Barton; Williams, Fannie Barrier (1969-01-01). A new Negro for a new century. Arno Press.
  16. ^ Wintz, Cary (2004). Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance: K-Y. Great britain: Routledge. p. 894.
  17. ^ Sullivan, Patricia (2009). Elevator Every Voice: The NAACP and the Making of the Ceremonious Rights Motion.
  18. ^ "The "New Negro"". Boundless.com . Retrieved eight May 2015.
  19. ^ a b Williams, Republic of chad. "African Americans and World War I".
  20. ^ Bryan, Jami (January xx, 2015). "FIGHTING FOR RESPECT: African-American Soldiers in WWI".
  21. ^ "Photographs of the 369th Infantry and African Americans during World War I". National Archives. 2016-08-xv. Retrieved 2018-05-24 .
  22. ^ Davis, David (2008). "Not Only War Is Hell: World State of war I and African American Lynching Narratives". African American Review. 42 (three/4): 477–491. JSTOR 40301248.
  23. ^ "Ku Klux Klan - Facts & Summary - HISTORY.com". HISTORY.com.
  24. ^ McWhirter, Cameron (2011). Red Summertime: The Summer of 1919 and the Awakening of Black America. New York: Henry Holt. p. two. ISBN9781429972932.
  25. ^ Max Eternity, Truthout (Feb 28, 2016). "Art Equality: From the WPA to Black Mountain and Basquiat".
  26. ^ Maxwell, William J (1999). New Negro, Former Left: African-American Writing and Communism Between the Wars. p. 30.
  27. ^ Jeffrey B. Perry, "Hubert Harrison: The Vocalism of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918," Vol. i (New York: Columbia University Press, November, 2008). Archived 2008-12-22 at the Wayback Machine
  28. ^ McCaskill, Barbara. Postal service-bellum, Pre-Harlem: African American Literature and Culture, 1877-1919. p. 27.
  29. ^ "NAACP: A Century in the Fight for Freedom - The New Negro Movement". LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 2009-02-21.
  30. ^ Locke, Alain (March 1925). "Enter the New Negro" (PDF). National Humanities Center Resource.
  31. ^ Wintz, Cary D (2004). Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance: Grand-Y. New York: Routledge. p. 892. ISBN157958389X.
  32. ^ Locke, Alain (1997). The New Negro. Touchstone. ISBN0-684-83831-1.
  33. ^ Wintz, Cary D. (2004). Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance: K-Y. New York: Taylor & Francis. p. 893. ISBN1579584586.
  34. ^ Wintz, Cary D. (2004). Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance: G-Y. Taylor & Francis.
  35. ^ Smith, Michelle (August 2009). "ALAIN LOCKE: CULTURE AND THE PLURALITY OF BLACK LIFE" (PDF): 10.
  36. ^ Locke, Alain. The New Negro. National Humanities Center.
  37. ^ Locke, Alain (1925). "Forward to The New Negro, An Estimation". The Gilder Lehrman Heart for the Study of Slavery, Resistance, and Abolition . Retrieved May x, 2018.
  38. ^ Locke, Alain (November 1925). "Forwards to The New Negro, An Interpretation". The Gilder Lehrman Center of the Report of Slavery, Resistance, and Abolition: ix.
  39. ^ Wintz and Finkelman, Cary and Paul (2004). Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance. New York: Routledge. p. 893. ISBN1579584586.
  40. ^ Mitchell, Angelyn (Nov 4, 1994). Within the Circle: An Anthology of African American Literary Criticism from the Harlem Renaissance to the Present . Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. pp. 268. ISBN0822315440. the efficacy of collective endeavor, in race cooperation..
  41. ^ Locke, Alain (1997). The New Negro. New York: A Touchstone Book. pp. xxvii.
  42. ^ Holmes, Eugene C. (1968). "Alain Locke and the New Negro Motility". Negro American Literature Forum. two (3): sixty–68. doi:10.2307/3041375. JSTOR 3041375.
  43. ^ Holmes, Eugene C. (1968). "Alain Locke and the New Negro Motion". Negro American Literature Forum. 2 (3): 60–68. doi:10.2307/3041375. JSTOR 3041375.
  44. ^ Novels of the Harlem Renaissance: Twelve Black Writers, 1923-1933. Penn State Press. November 2010. p. 18. ISBN978-0271044934 . Retrieved 8 May 2015.
  45. ^ Wintz, Cary D. (2004). Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance: A-J. New York: Taylor & Francis. p. 498.
  46. ^ Singh, Amritjit (1976). Novels of the Harlem Renaissance: Twelve Black Writers, 1923-1933. Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press. p. xix. ISBN0-271-01208-0.
  47. ^ Molesworth, Charles (2012). The Works of Alain Locke. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016: Oxford University Press. p. 189. ISBN978-0-19-979504-8. {{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location (link)
  48. ^ Gates, Henry Louis Jr. "The New Negro and the Black Image: From Booker T. Washington to Alain Locke". National Humanities Center . Retrieved May 10, 2018.
  49. ^ Rampersad, Eric Walrond ; introduction by Arnold (2013). Tropic decease (New ed.). New York: Liveright Pub. Corporation. ISBN9780871403353.
  50. ^ Walrond, Eric (1972). Tropic Death. New York: Collier Books.
  51. ^ a b Wintz and Finkelman, Cary and Paul (2004). Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance: K-Y. New York: Routledge. p. 894. ISBN1579584586.
  52. ^ Parascandola, Louis (1988). Winds Tin can Wake Up the Dead: An Eric Walrond Reader. Detroit, Michigan: Wayne Land University Press. p. 112.
  53. ^ Van Notten, Eleonore (1994). Wallace Thurman's Harlem Renaissance. Atlanta: Editions Rodopi B.V. p. 103. ISBN90-5183-692-9.
  54. ^ a b Davis, John (2004). "New Negro" from Encyclopedia of Harlem Renaissance. Taylor & Francis. ISBN9781579584580.
  55. ^ Jones, Edward (December 22, 2003). "All Aunt Hagar's Children". New Yorker.
  56. ^ Branch, Taylor; Edwards, Haley Sweetland (2012-12-27). "A 2nd Emancipation". Washington Monthly. Vol. January/Feb 2013. ISSN 0043-0633. Retrieved 2018-05-10 .
  57. ^ Thurman, Wallace (1932). Infants of the Leap. New York: UPNE. ISBN1555531288.
  58. ^ Wintz, Ary D. (2004). Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance. Routledge. p. 894. ISBNi-57958-389-X.
  59. ^ Osofsky, Gilbert (1996). Harlem, the making of a ghetto : Negro New York, 1890-1930 (second., 1st Elephant paperback ed.). Chicago: Ivan R. Dee. ISBN978-1-56663-104-4.
  60. ^ Wintz, Cary; Finkelman, Paul (2004). Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance: M-Y. Vol. 2. New York: Routledge. p. 894.
  61. ^ a b "From Greasepaint to Blaxploitation: Representations of African Americans in Film - Duke Library Exhibits". exhibits.library.duke.edu . Retrieved 2019-05-25 .
  62. ^ "Keeping the Faith: African Americans Return to Congress, 1929–1970 | US House of Representatives: History, Art & Archives". history.house.gov . Retrieved 2019-05-25 .
  63. ^ "Black Higher Life in the New Deal". Google Arts & Culture . Retrieved 2019-05-25 .

Further reading [edit]

  • Davarian L. Baldwin and Minkah Makalani (eds.), Escape from New York: The New Negro Renaissance beyond Harlem. Minneapolis, MN: Academy of Minnesota Press, 2013.
  • James Davis, Eric Walrond: A Life in the Harlem Renaissance and the Transatlantic Caribbean area. New York: Columbia University Press, 2015.
  • Harrison, Hubert H., When Africa Awakes: The "Inside Story" of the Stirrings and Strivings of the New Negro in the Western World (New York: Porro Printing, 1920), New Expanded Edition, edited with notes and a new introduction by Jeffrey B. Perry (New York: Diasporic Africa Printing, 2015).
  • Nathan Huggins, Harlem Renaissance. (1971)
  • Shannon King, Whose Harlem Is This? Customs Politics and Grassroots Activism During the New Negro Era. New York: New York University Press, 2015.
  • David Levering Lewis, When Harlem Was in Vogue. (1981)
  • Gilbert Osofsky, Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto. (1965)
  • Louis J. Parascandola (ed.), "Winds Tin can Wake Upwards the Dead": An Eric Walrond Reader. (1998)
  • Jeffrey B. Perry, Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.
  • Jeffrey B. Perry, Hubert Harrison: The Struggle for Equality, 1918-1927. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.
  • Amritjit Singh,[i] The Novels of the Harlem Renaissance. (1976)
  • Amritjit Singh and Daniel M. Scott, 3 (eds.), The Collected Writings of Wallace Thurman: A Harlem Renaissance Reader. (2003)
  • "The Trope of a New Negro and the Reconstruction of the Image of the Black," Representations, Fall 1988.

Notes [edit]

  1. ^ Singh, Amritjit (1976). The novels of the Harlem renaissance : twelve black writers, 1923-1933. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Printing. ISBN0-271-01208-0.

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Negro